Riau in History

The province of Island Riau (Kepulauan Riau, Kepri for short) consists of 1,796 islands lying between Sumatra, Singapore, and Borneo. Kepri also shares a sea border with Vietnam and Cambodia. The province’s capital, Tanjungpinang, lies at the province’s northwest corner near Singapore. The province consists of five regencies or administrative units, which are the island groups of Bintan, Karimun, Lingga, Anambas, and Natuna. Its population of slightly over 2 million ranks 27th out of Indonesia’s 34 provinces; its land area, 10,595.41 square km, is 31st. In terms of population density, Kepri ranks tenth (BPS 2017). The modern province of Kepri is about 700 km long from east to west, and 200 km from north to south. Thus, it includes 140,000 square km, most of which is water.

Natuna Regency, located in the far northeastern waters of Indonesia, consists of 159 islands, of which only approximately 27 are inhabited. The area of Natuna Regency in 2015 was given as 2,009 square km (BPS 2017, 4). Natuna’s population density is the lowest of the regencies in Kepri, with 37 people per square km (BPS 2017, 61). Muslims comprise 97 per cent of the population; 1.6 per cent are Christian, and 1.23 are Buddhist (BPS 2017, 108). Geologically, the Natuna islands constitute a granite formation connected to northwest Borneo.

In the 18th and early 19th centuries, the population of Riau was decimated by slave raids launched by the Ilanun. A large settlement on the bank of the Riau River (now known as Kota Lama, “Old City”) on Bintan was completely destroyed by pirates in the 18th century. In 1786, the Englishman Warren Hastings sent a mission to Bintan hoping to establish a base there, but was prevented from doing so by the Dutch. When Riau was part of the Netherlands East Indies, its officials were based at Tanjongpinang, a town near Kota Lama. The town grew prosperous in the mid-19th century after the British had succeeded in quelling the threat from pirates in Riau. The island of Bintan, strategically located at the south end of the Straits of Melaka, had been in contact with foreign kingdoms since the 13th century. For 700 years, Bintan has served as the mediator between foreign and local people.

A prominent landmark for sailors approaching or leaving the Straits of Melaka is Mount Bintan. This peak, 370 meters high, appeared on Chinese sailing directions in the 15th century, where it was called Ma An Shan (Mills 1970, 205, 279, 318-319). The first reference to Bintan appears in a 13th-century account by an Arab, Ibn Said, who described its people as “black pirates [who] go out armed with poisoned arrows, who have ships armed for war; they rob the people” (Sopher 1977, 342). At about the same time, Marco Polo referred to Bintan as a wild place with valuable wood (Latham 1958, 252). No doubt, the population of Bintan shared with other Malay groups the perception of piracy as a legitimate pursuit in the context of traditional Malay politics (Tarling 1963).

According to the Malay Annals, the first Malay ruler was the adopted son of the Queen of Bintan (Brown 1970, 18-19). In 1323, Bintan sent a diplomatic mission to China, followed by Singapore (Longya men) in 1325 (Hsü 1973). No other missions to China from Riau are recorded.

Natuna may also have been mentioned in a 13th-century Chinese source, the Zhufan Zhi, under the name Sha-hua kung (Sopher 1977, 341). This source says that “The farther one penetrates among these islands, the worse the robbers are” (Hirth and Rockhill 1911, 150). Hirth and Rockhill, on the other hand, equated this term with the Orang Laut in general.

The difference between Orang Laut and Orang Melayu, “Malay People”, is that Malays live in houses on land, whereas Sea People mainly live on boats and are semi-nomadic, exploiting different regions at different seasons. These are two economic specialisations: the Sea People were specialised collectors of sea products, which they delivered to Malays, who in turn traded them for important items such as Chinese porcelain and silk, some of which they gave to the Sea People in exchange for the pearls, tortoise shell, and so on which the Sea People knew how to gather. This relationship probably existed in the 1st millennium CE (Sopher 1977).

A Chinese merchant named Wang Dayuan mentioned a place called Kunlun Mountain in Southeast Asia (Rockhill 1915, 112-113); this information was quoted in another Chinese report, the Xingcha Shenglan, in the 15th century.

The land produces no rare product…This island rises in the middle of the bondless ocean facing Chau-ch’êng, Tung-hsi-chu, Anamba Islands, and Ting-chih. It is high and square; its area is extensive. Sailors speak of the ‘Sea of K’un lun’. All junks going to the Western Ocean must wait for favourable wind when they will pass it in seven days. There is a common saying that ‘above one fears the Chi’i-chou (the Paracels), below one fears K’un lun. If the needle [of the compass] varies (or) the helm is set wrong, the ship and crew cannot get clear of the island. There are no noteworthy products. The inhabitants have no dwellings or place where to cook their food; they eat fruits, fish, and shrimps and dwell in caves or nest in the trees.’

Ships only visited this island if forced to do so by strong winds. The reference to Anamba Islands is suggestive; the island group now named Anambas is the regency west of Natuna. The “Sea of K’un lun” may be the North Natuna Sea, the stretch of water north of Natuna.

In 1687, the Dutchman Francois Valentijn reported seeing 500 to 600 ships in the Riau River estuary on Bintan. These ships came mainly from the Seven Islands, a traditional name for the area comprising the modern regencies of Anambas, Tambelan, and Natuna (Andaya 1975, 148-149). This supports the hypothesis that Bintan was the centre where the people of Natuna and the other islands of eastern Riau went to trade. In the 17th and 18th centuries, Siantan, the main island in the Anambas group, was visited by several Malay princes seeking support for their political ambitions (Miksic 2013, 381-383). The Seven Islands was not an economic centre, however.

The Seven Islands consists of approximately 260 islands. Horsburgh’s India Directory of 1855 advised sailors to exercise utmost care when landing on Siantan due to the people’s propensity to murder and slavery (Netscher 1864, 8). The population of the entire area in the mid-19th century included 2,400 people who lived on land, and 500 Sea People called Orang Pesukuan (“Tribal People”) who had their own chief (Hasselt and Schwartz 1898).

In 1898, Kampong Tarempah on Siantan was the most important port in the Anambas-Tambelan-Natuna region. It had the only Chinese community in the Seven Islands, with about 25 Chinese houses and a temple. A locally born Chinese man served as the only official of the Dutch colonial government in this entire area (van Hasselt and Schwartz 1898). No Dutch administrators were willing to be stationed in the remote Natuna region. The Chinese traders’ network extended to Singapore; the Malay traders’ network encompassed both Singapore and west Borneo.

Before Bintan took on this role around the 13th century, the Sea People had to voyage even further west, to ports such as Palembang and Jambi on Sumatra. In 1178 a mission from Jambi to Song Dynasty China brought tribute consisting of 4.3 kg of pearls, 13 big pearl necklaces, 1.5 kg of coral, a coral “tree” weighing 9 kg, and 75 kg of tortoise shell (Wong 1979, 81-82). These large quantities of luxury items procurable only from certain places in the ocean would have bought many Chinese ceramics. The import of tortoise shell during the Song Dynasty was a monopoly of the emperor (Ptak 1991: 204), which gives an idea of the prestige attached to these commodities.

Natuna Geography, History, and Economy

The Dutch officially established a colonial administration in Riau in 1787. In a treaty which formally defined the Natuna administrative unit in 1864, Natuna was divided into three administrative units: Great Natuna (38 islands), North Natuna (6 islands), and South Natuna (11 islands). The Natuna Islands were defined as lying between 2° 28’ and 4° 56’ north latitude and 107° 57’ and 108° 15’ east longitude (Encyclopædie van Nederlandsch Indie III, 1917: 10-11).

The largest island in the Natuna Regency is Bunguran (also called Natuna Besar) in the Great Natuna sector, covering about 320 square km, with two mountain peaks, Bedung and Ranai (1,035 meters high (United States National Geospatial Intelligence Agency 2005). In 1917, Bunguran had 10,000 inhabitants, of whom 300 were classified as Orang Laut, “Sea People”, probably remnants of the indigenous population who had escaped the depredations of the Ilanun. No Chinese were recorded as living in the group (Encyclopædie van Nederlandsch Indie III, 1917, 10-11). The local language differed from standard Riau Malay in both vocabulary and pronunciation. The modern capital of the Natuna Regency is located at Ranai on East Bunguran, 440 km from the provincial capital at Tanjung Pinang; the southern tip of Vietnam is closer.

The next largest island is Sedanau, southwest of Bunguran. During the Dutch colonial period the chief of Sedanau, who bore the title emir, was subject to the prince of Penyengat. At the beginning of the 20th century, the main agricultural crop was coconuts; other sources of income were mat weaving and turtle hunting(Encyclopædie van Nederlandsch Indie III, 1917, 10-11).

The northeast monsoon strongly influenced traditional life on the islands. Strong winds during this period created a significant navigational hazard. On the island of Pulau Laut in the North Natuna group, west of the Great Natuna region, many houses in the early 20th century contained furniture salvaged from shipwrecks. The basic staples were sago and breadfruit.

The South Natuna group lies southeast of Bunguran; the major islands are Subi and Panjang. In the early 20th century, most of the population cultivated coconuts. Many parts salvaged from shipwrecks were also used in the dwellings there. A pearl bank was located southeast of Subi, which would have provided significant income, but the local people no longer had the expertise to exploit it. This traditional knowledge was probably lost due to piratical attacks and cholera.

Midai, a single isolated island south of Bunguran, is also part of the Natuna group. From Midai’s north shore, the peak of Bunguran can just be seen. The original inhabitants of the island were all Orang Laut(Encyclopædie van Nederlandsch Indie III, 1917, 10-11). Midai is still an important habitat for hawksbill turtles, which come ashore there to lay their eggs.

Rice cultivation is rare in Kepri. Out of approximately 148,000 hectares of land, irrigated rice fields occupy only 187 hectares, while dry rice is planted on 100 hectares; Natuna has the largest area of rice fields, 158 hectares, and the second largest area of other agricultural land, after Lingga(BPS 2017: 140-142). Other major food crops in Natuna are maize, peanuts, cassava, sweet potato, chili peppers, and other vegetables and fruit, especially banana. Coconut plantations occupy 14,000 hectares, and clove trees 12,000 hectares. Rubber is also significant, with 4,270 hectares(BPS 2017, 153). Chickens and cattle are common livestock.

A large area of Natuna is still forested. Of 115,000 hectares of forest, 12,000 hectares are protected; the rest is open for exploitation(BPS 2017, 161). Natuna is the largest centre of cultivated saltwater fisheries in Kepri. The number of people involved in wild-caught fish is small, but production is the largest in the province, suggesting a few big companies are involved; only one fishing license was issued in Natuna in 2016(BPS 2017: 165-168).

In 1992, a joint team from the Regional Office for the Preservation and Protection of the National Heritage for West Sumatra and Riau, based in Batusangkar, and the National University of Singapore conducted an archaeological survey of Bintan and Midai(Miksic 1994; Miksic 2013, 377-380). No excavation was carried out at that time, but surface collections were made and taken to the Batusangkar office.

Looted burial sites were found on all sides of Midai, identified by fragments of human bone, pieces of wood from coffins, possibly in the shape of boats, sherds of broken Chinese pottery of the 12th through 14th centuries, and Thai and Vietnamese sherds from the 15th century. As in Natuna, local inhabitants located graves by probing the soil with iron rods. A few sherds of Ming ceramics were also found.

On Bintan, a private Museum Riau Kandil in the 1980s displayed Chinese ceramics from the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Similar wares were for sale in a market in Tanjongpinang. In the 1992 survey, sherds of similar wares were found on the northern bank of the Bintan River near Mount Bintan. Local informants stated that some burials at these sites had contained as many as 50-70 porcelain bowls. Other burial offerings included gold jewellery, glass beads, bracelets, bottles, and other items(Miksic 2013, 376-380).

The Natuna group is usually perceived as a frontier region far from the centres of urbanisation and economic development. Recently, a new view has been in the ascent, according to which these islands are considered a zone of strategic importance, due to their wealth in marine natural resources and mines, as well as their position at the forefront of the Nusantara Corridor. As a zone which borders other nations, including Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, Taiwan, and China (see Map 1), Natuna merits special attention and treatment, whether in the sectors of economy, defence, or culture.

The Natuna Group forms a multidimensional region for development, including the socio-cultural dimension. Even though these islands have a strategic position and role, knowledge about these islands—the origins of the population, their history, their socio-cultural evolution, and their economic conditions in the past, especially in the context of maritime networks—is quite limited.

Recent archaeological research in the Natuna group has focused on revealing traces of global trade and sailing since imported ceramics are found here in very large quantities. Chinese ceramics can be traced to their sources, are susceptible to precise dating, and have much potential to contribute information to the study of premodern commerce in Natuna. Of particular interest concerning commerce are the interactions which delineate maritime crossroads, especially in the North Natuna Sea (South China Sea). Natuna is part of a great archipelago consisting of hundreds of islands which have long been connected by global trade and navigation to the rest of the world, but which outsiders rarely visited. Preliminary archaeological evidence illustrates Natuna’s probable role in the past as a part of a complex regional network consisting of several levels in which local products were exchanged for products imported from numerous sources.

Statement of the Problem

The presence of ceramics in Natuna provides an indication of the route along which ceramics travelled from the country of production to the countries of consumption. Ceramics are valuable both for the purpose of dating Natuna’s contacts with global trade and navigation, and for describing the phases of local cultural development and settlement. Why was Natuna a significant part of this network of trade and sailing? When did it join this network? No less important in revealing this network is the search for other ports along the corridor of habitation and trade, which made Natuna a magnet for imported ceramics. Who were the inhabitants, the sailors and traders of Natuna? Since Natuna’s population probably came in contact with other ethnic groups in Singapore, Bintan, and Sumatra, how did Natuna retain its traditional culture? This question arises particularly in conjunction with the many ceremonial burials found in almost the entire territory of Natuna.

This chapter will present the results of recent archaeological research in order to provide a general picture of the culture of the Natuna group during the period from 1000 to 1500 CE, especially through the analysis of imported ceramics. Through this research, we will obtain not just an idea of local culture, but also an image of Natuna in global perspective.

Environment and Primary Commodities

Natuna does not stand alone; there are many other island groups in the waterway between mainland and island Southeast Asia, including those which are not obvious on maps. These islands are surrounded by reefs, shoals, swamps, and tropical seas, and possess mountains and forests with high natural diversity, which provide many commodities in demand worldwide. Fresh water sources are plentiful to support humans. The natural resources provide opportunities for the inhabitants of the islands to develop their culture and sources of subsistence. These islands lie in a sea lane through which ships have to pass on their way to or from Indonesia.
The Natuna group yields numerous natural commodities, which are important trade items. Some of these commodities are introduced below:

Cloves

Almost all sites of archaeological discoveries in Natuna are associated with modern clove plantations. Cloves have been grown here for about four generations; they are not a traditional crop of this area. Clove planting became popular in the Riau Archipelago during the 1980s when the Indonesian government, particularly President Soeharto’s son Tommy Soeharto, encouraged their cultivation. Special varieties of cloves developed here are called “village cloves”, which differ from those of their native region in Ambon and other islands in Maluku, as well as Zanzibar to which they have been transplanted in recent times. On Sedanau Island, cloves are the most commonly cultivated trees.

Nutmeg

Nutmegs are also grown as a commodity, though they are less common than cloves. They are mainly cultivated on Selaut Island. It is probable that they were transplanted here from Ambon and Ternate in recent times. They yield medicinal oil. Their fruit is used as a spice in cooking and can be made into candy, syrup, and jelly.

Sago

Sago is a common crop in the Natuna Archipelago. It is a staple source of carbohydrate rather than rice. Sago flour is used to make crackers, noodles, cakes, and other snacks. It is commonly available in markets. Sago trees are found all over the islands, particularly in coastal swamps.

<insert photos 5,6,7,8  from original MS. Caption : « Sago trees and logs (above), sago processing and processed sago (below). »>

Copra

Copra or dried coconut is another staple crop, used for medicinal purposes or for its oil.

Gaharu

A kind of resin, known as gaharu in Malay, is one of the oldest documented trade items from Southeast Asia to have reached India and the Near East. This resin is obtained from trees of the genus Aquilaria, which are found distributed from Assam to New Guinea. The resin, however, is not commonly produced by healthy trees; it seems to be the result of some type of infection. The Latin name comes from the Latin word for eagle; in English it is sometimes called Eaglewood. The Malay name gaharu comes from the Sanskrit garu, which means “heavy”. Ancient Chinese, who also prized this resin highly, called it zhen xiang, “sinks in water” because of its density. The ancient Chinese distinguished many varieties of gaharu (Wheatley 1959, 68-72). It was sought after by ancient Indians for its scent when burned, to scent people’s bodies and to help heal skin wounds. Aloes are mentioned in Hebrew texts, including the Old Testament of the Bible, in connection with King Solomon. The English word “aloes” is derived from the Hebrew word for gaharu, ahaloth, which entered English via Saxon (Burkill 1966, 198-206).

The ability to discover trees which yield gaharu requires special expertise which few people possess. forest. The forest collectors of Natuna differentiate between two types: white gaharu, which is rare and highly prized, and black gaharu, which is common and less expensive.

Granite

Granite stone was an important local product of Natuna. Granite was used for making grinding stones, which were used in almost every house’s kitchen. Several shipwrecks, including those in the Natuna area, also carried these domestic implements. They may have been used by the crew members or constituted part of the cargo.

Candlenut

This is the fruit of a tree (Aleurites Moluccana, see Burkill 1966, 92-97). This tree is native to Malaysia, where it is often called buah keras, “hard fruit”. One of its uses was in playing a game to see who could break the opponent’s nut with his own. It has many more useful applications. It can be processed to make oil, which was commonly used in traditional lamps, and in making batik. It grows best on well-drained soil near the coast, so islands such as the Natunas are favourable for its cultivation. It is also eaten, though it can be poisonous if not properly processed. The leaves were used as a potion for headache. The wood was sometimes used for making boats. It has many other local uses as well, and was no doubt a major item of trade within Indonesia in ancient times. Its hardness helps it to survive for long periods under water, which is why it is preserved on ancient shipwreck sites. From Malaysia, the tree was transplanted to many areas by Malayo-Polynesians, including Hawaii and India.

Tortoise Shell

The shell of one species of marine turtle, Eretmochelys imbricata, commonly called “hawksbill turtle”, was highly prized in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and China (Ptak 1991). A major source for Java was the Sulawesi area, but the islands of eastern Riau are another source of this material (Burkill 1966, 950-951). An emperor, Wang Mang (9-23 CE) tried to use it as a form of money. Zhao Rugua and Wang Dayuan both mentioned it as an important item of trade with Southeast Asia in the 13th and 14th centuries.

Pearls and Mother-of-Pearl

A genus of mollusc termed Pinctada is widespread in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Three main species yield these two commodities. The Malay word for pearl, mutiara, comes from Sanskrit. An embassy from Srivijaya in 992 CE presented pearls as tribute to the Chinese emperor (Burkill 1966, 1763). Zhao Rugua (Hirth and Rockhill 1911, 116, 230) recorded that Palembang was a source of pearls in 1225. The pearls certainly did not come from the Musi River, where Palembang is located. In the 19th century, the Riau Archipelago was a major source of mother-of-pearl, which was exported via Singapore (Burkill 1966, 1761, 1764). The orang laut (Sea People) were the main providers of these commodities.

Sea Cucumber (Trepang)

Sea creatures of the genus Holothuria have long been in demand as a special food in China. This trade was still important in the Netherlands Indies in the early 20th century. A special study commissioned by the colonial government (Koningsberger 1904) noted that this commodity was gathered in Riau, especially in the Tanjongpinang, Lingga, and Seven Islands (Pulau Tujuh) areas. In the Seven Islands, which include the island groups of Natuna, Anambas, and Tambelan, the Orang Laut were the main collectors of these creatures, which were sent to the market in Singapore. They used spears with five or six iron or wooden points to hunt them. The Orang Laut were also the only people living on the islands of Bangka and Belitung, who collected sea cucumbers (Koningsberger 1904, 59).

Sailing and Trading Networks

Asian maritime trade expanded rapidly between the 10th and 14th centuries. Archaeological research is constantly yielding new information about ports which appeared during this era. In view of the ceramics and silk which flowed from China to Southeast Asia, the route from China to Indonesia is usually called the Silk Road; but on the voyage to China, Southeast Asian ships were carrying local commodities such as spices, so that the route to China could be called the Spice Road.

Shipwrecks and historical sources prove that the major shippers in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea in the precolonial period were Southeast Asians. Wrecks of Southeast Asian ships from this period found in western Indonesia (between Sumatra and Java), and in the Java Sea have yielded Chinese porcelain and stoneware, Southeast Asian earthenware, metal objects from China and the archipelago, stone, glass, and organic materials (Flecker 2009). The ships often carried a mixture of goods from China, Indonesia, other parts of Southeast Asia, and the Near East. The cargoes contained both mass-produced items and high-value objects such as statues, gold and silver, and rosary beads (Harkantiningsih 2017). The Natuna Archipelago has yielded many ceramics of the same types as those found on shipwrecks (Harkantiningsih et al. 2013-2019).

Shipwreck sites show how these commodities were transported to their destinations, including ports in Natuna, where some of them sank (Dellinia et al 2016). The Natunas lie in the middle of the space between the Straits of Melaka, the Java Sea, and the South China Sea. It is, however, unlikely that foreign ships or merchants went directly to Natuna in ancient times. Chinese sources such as Zhao Rugua’s Zhufan Zhi (1225) and Wang Dayuan’s Daoyi Zhilue (1349) do not mention any ports in these islands. The Chinese had no knowledge of the precise sources of many commodities which they obtained from Southeast Asia. During the Srivijaya period (7th through mid-11th centuries) Chinese did not voyage to Southeast Asia. They obtained their Indonesian products from Indonesians who travelled to China. During the Malayu period (12th and 13th centuries), Chinese began to visit Southeast Asian ports, mainly Jambi and Kota Cina in Sumatra but they sailed on foreign ships. The oldest known Chinese shipwreck in Southeast Asia, found off the northern tip of Sabah in East Malaysia, sank around 1300 (Flecker 2012).

During the Srivijaya and Malayu periods, commodities were shipped from local collecting centres such as Natuna to Sumatra, where they were reloaded onto larger Indonesian ships, which transported them to China and the Indian Ocean. When Chinese ships began to venture to Indonesia, they followed a route from South Vietnam (then known as Champa) southwest to the Malay Peninsula. Many of them stopped at Tioman Island to take on water. From there, they hugged the coast of the peninsula until they reached the Singapore area.

Singapore (then known as Temasek) became the major destination for Chinese ships on their way to the Indian Ocean in the 1330s, according to Wang Dayuan. Singapore was a rendezvous for ships coming from local ports where commodities were fed into the east-west routes (Miksic 2017). Singapore continued to play the role of connecting node between local and long-distance shipping in the 15th century, according to a Chinese source (Mills 1970, 325). Other possibilities for Natuna’s main connecting port include Brunei.

Imported Ceramics in Natuna

The most obvious type of artefact which documents the role of the remote Natuna area in long-distance maritime trade is Chinese ceramics. Several shipwrecks in Natuna waters were carrying cargoes of the same types of Chinese ceramics, which have been recorded from sites on dry land (Harkantiningsih 2015, 40-45).

In ancient times, Natuna was not on an international sailing route, but it was not cut off from them either. Natuna would have been a key source for valuable commodities sought in China and other distant markets. Inhabitants of Natuna had access to a wide variety of ceramics imported from China during the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing (9th through 20th centuries; Zhenjiang, Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi) dynasties, Vietnam and Thailand (15th-16th centuries), and Europe (19th-20th centuries). Thus, Natuna was a part of a network of ceramic distribution which lasted for over 1,000 years.

Natuna functioned as a primary centre where commodities important in long-distance trade were found. Other ports of this type include Kuala Selinsing, Perak, West Malaysia, and Kampai, north Sumatra, Indonesia. The people in these collecting centres were able to acquire high-quality imported goods such as porcelain from the first-tier ports, which exported these commodities to foreign destinations. Probably the first-tier ports such as Brunei, Palembang, and Jambi had to compete with each other to attract the people who were the primary collectors of pearls, tortoise shell, and other luxury items in demand in China. The high quality of ceramics imported from Japan (Koji 1992, Fujiwara 2000), the Philippines (Ronquillo 1994), and Thailand (Srisuchat 1994) demonstrate this prosperity.

Interisland Connections

Imported ceramics of the same quality as those found in the Natuna Islands are also found on the north and east coasts of Sumatra, including Aceh (Lamreh, Cot Me, Samudra Pasai); Medan (Kota Cina, Kota Rentang); Jambi; and Palembang, dating from the 12th to the 16th centuries. This distribution delineates a “ceramic road” which was complex, well-organised, and comprised of several tiers of ports.

These ceramics were exported from China, usually in foreign ships, according to Zhao Rugua. Once in Indonesia, the ceramics were used in two different contexts. In the international ports such as 12th-13th-century Kota Cina or 14th-century Singapore, they were used in the everyday life of urban households. In the second-level collecting ports in the Riau Archipelago, including the Natuna group, they were used as burial offerings (Miksic 2000).

Burial Culture, Actors, and Phase of Settlement

The first archaeological survey in Natuna was undertaken in 2005 by the Medan Institute of Archaeology (Balai Arkeologi Medan). In 2010, the National Research Centre for Archaeology (Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional) began more intensive research focused on both prehistory and historical phases of archaeology, including underwater sites (Naniek Harkantiningsih 2018, 3). Research has revealed more than 20 habitation sites, mostly near the coasts, on the islands of Bunguran, Sedanau, and Pulau Tiga. Some artefacts, including ancient Chinese ceramics, are now displayed in Museum Sri Serindit in the Regency capital, Ranai. This museum, established in 2008, includes about 1,500 archaeological artefacts out of a total of about 10,000 items, 80 per cent of which are ceramics; it was established by a former antique hunter (https://www.riaumagz.com/2018/06/harta-karun-natuna-kepulauan-riau-di.html; https://gpswisataindonesia.info/2018/07/museum-sri-serindit-natuna-kepulauan-riau/; accessed 22 February 2020).

Although the data from surface finds is difficult to interpret, the general dating of the sherds recovered from the survey of Bunguran yields important information. It confirms the impression from other parts of Riau that the 13th and 14th centuries were a high peak of ceramic trade. Out of 4,025 sherds, 1507 or 37 per cent date from the Yuan era (13th-14th centuries). A further nine per cent derive from the late Song/early Yuan period (12th-13th centuries). Another 126 sherds (3 per cent) date from the 10th or 11th centuries. A total of 67 or 1.5 per cent are dated to the 14th century (late Yuan/Early Ming). Thus, slightly over 50 per cent date from the 10th through 14th centuries. For the 15th century, Thailand contributed 93 sherds (2.3 per cent) and Vietnam 151 sherds (3.8 per cent) (calculated from Naniek 2018, table, p. 25). Ceramics from the precolonial period outnumber those from the last five centuries.

The rock shelter of Batu Sindu on Bunguran has yielded surface finds of seven quadrangular adzes of fine siliceous stone, which is not common on these granitic islands, associated with sherds of red-slipped earthenware. Both types of artefacts are typically associated with early Austronesian speakers who migrated from Taiwan to the Philippines, then split into two streams, one moving eastward into the Pacific Ocean, the other expanding westward to the area of western Indonesia and eventually to Madagascar in the Indian Ocean (Prasetyo, 2010; Wibisono, 2014). Oval stone tools had been collected previously by antique hunters in Riau, but the site or sites where they were found were not recorded. Besides the red-slipped ware, paddle-impressed sherds were also discovered (Naniek 2018, 8). These are associated with the expansion of Austronesian speakers into western Indonesia beginning about 2,500 years ago. Some of the motifs, such as triangles, resemble those associated with the Sahuynh-Kalanay pottery complex.

The earthenware and stone adzes provide evidence that the Natuna Islands have been inhabited since prehistoric times (Harkantiningsih dkk, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2017). Ceramics used as burial offerings have been discovered throughout the Natuna Islands. Several types of pre-Islamic burials have been discovered in the Natuna group.

Some burials have no offerings, though the skeletons have been well preserved, suggesting they were not looted. Other burials have no offerings, but contain coffins resembling boats known as benggong. No skeletons have yet been found associated with benggong in excavations, but scatters of human bone on the surface of the ground probably result from disturbance by grave robbers. The same situation was observed on Midai Island, southwest of Natuna (Miksic 1994; 1995; 2013, 374). Similar burials have been found on the island of Selayar, Sulawesi. The actors who created these burials were probably the same as those who were buried in graves of Type 1.

An intact burial oriented northeast-southwest, with the head at the southwest, was 165-167cm long. The person’s gender could not be determined. The left hip was missing, and the right hip had been displaced. The two hands were placed over the genitals. The skull was relatively intact, although the nose and teeth were damaged. Several teeth were separated from the jaw. On the left wrist were bracelets of what is believed to be bronze, based on its patina: three still encircling the wrist and one stretched out in an elongated shape. According to looters, a black soil feature in the genital area marked a spot where a ceramic bowl had been removed. This placement of burial offerings is the same as found in Selayar and Semawang, Bali. Similar burials have been described by inhabitants of other parts of the Riau archipelago, but none have been systematically excavated.

Three more graves were discovered, lying parallel to one another (Naniek 2018, 16). All had been disturbed, but archaeological excavation of one of the burials still yielded iron weapons: a keris, a knife, and a possible spear point.

At Batu Bayan, 12km southeast of Ranai, a near-intact wooden coffin was recovered. It had been left behind by looters. The only other artefacts besides the coffin were sherds of ceramics. The coffin itself consisted of two parts: a bottom and a lid. The coffin was 210cm long and 50cm wide. Both were made from a hollowed-out log. The bottom part had four rectangular projections at the four corners. One end was square, the other short side was pointed, perhaps meant to symbolise a boat. The top and bottom had been joined with wooden pegs or tenons (Naniek 2018, 17-18).

No burials have been found in association with port cities of the upper level, such as Palembang, Jambi, Kota Cina, or Singapore. This probably denotes that the collectors of the isles preserved traditional culture, which had been modified in the major urban centres by contact with India, which involved replacement of burial by cremation (Miksic 2000).

Islamic Burials

Burials of the current era are marked with tombstones and bases made of coral, carved with spiral decoration, approximately 1 metre high and 2.5 metres long. Other Muslim graves have Malay characteristics. Tambok is the local word for old graves of rectangular plan made of slabs of coral.

From these graves, the following phases of activity in the Natuna Islands can be inferred:

Phase/Date	Actors/Inhabitants	Contexts
Aceramic	Austronesians, Local inhabitants?	Graves without artefacts Graves with benggong Stone adzes, pottery of prehistoric style (red slipped) Habitation
10-11	Austronesians?	Imported ceramics Habitation
12-16	Indigenous inhabitants (Sea People).	Graves with imported offerings Habitation
17-19	Malays, Chinese, Sea People	Tambok, Islamic graves Historic style local earthenware pottery Habitation
20	Chinese, Malays, indigenous inhabitants, other Indonesians	Muslim and Chinese graves Habitation

Conclusion

This chapter describes the first archaeological research to focus on the study of the sites in Kepri Province. These include Chinese ceramics found at several places along the coastline. These may have been cargoes from sunken ships, but they could also be items found to be broken during unloading, whereupon they were dumped into the sea.

Large quantities of intact Chinese ceramics from the 13th to 15th centuries have flowed into the antique markets in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia for 30 years. Most of these come from looted graves in Kepri. This has been noted previously (Miksic 1994, 1995, 2000, 2002, 2013), and surveys had been conducted by a joint team from the BP3 in Batusangkar, Sumatra, and Singapore in 1992 but no systematic excavations had been conducted until 2010, when the National Research Centre for Archaeology of Indonesia inaugurated a project in Natuna. The society of Natuna practised burial with grave goods, like the groups in other parts of Island Riau, but unlike the major international ports, where cremation was apparently practised. Island Riau appears to have formed a large cultural zone related to but distinct from the cosmopolitan societies of the ports, where some foreign traits had influenced the local population. Island Riau’s inhabitants continued to practice customs belonging to a tradition which was inherited from the period before major cultural interaction with the Indian Ocean and China began. Similar burial traditions found in eastern Indonesia, especially Sulawesi, and the Philippines suggest a more general cultural affinity with these regions, and a situation in which foreign-influenced port societies coexisted with indigenous traditions in the areas outside the ports.

The large quantity of Chinese ceramics from the precolonial period found in Natuna proves that this region was connected to the long-distance maritime trade route, which connected with the South China Sea, the Java Sea, the Straits of Melaka, and the Indian Ocean. The archaeology of the Natuna group shares important characteristics with other regencies in the province of Kepri. This extensive region yielded several of the most sought-after commodities in ancient trade with China. With the possible exception of Bintan, near Singapore, Chinese merchants and traders did not visit Kepri. The pearls, tortoise shell, and aromatic resin of Kepri were collected by specialised local residents who resembled the groups later known as Orang Laut or Sea People. They transported these precious luxuries to the main international ports in Brunei, Sumatra, and Singapore, where they exchanged them for imported goods, of which ceramics are the principal items found in archaeological sites.

Research in the Natuna Islands is still in an early stage. Further survey and excavation should clarify the nature of the impact of foreign luxury items on local society. Some burials have offerings, while others have none. It is possible that these burials belong to different periods; it is also possible that Chinese ceramics were introduced into a society which was already complexly organised, with different levels of access to foreign imported status symbols. Further analysis, including absolute dating of the burials with and without Chinese ceramics, is needed to answer this question.

The need for further research in this region is urgent. Much information has already been lost due to economic development and illicit looting. More resources are vital if the economic structure of early Indonesia is to be better understood. Natuna was remote from the main centres of trade in western Indonesia, but its population was still able to acquire impressive imported ceramics, and probably other items as well. It is clear that Natuna’s population was derived from what is now modern Indonesia, and that Natuna’s economy was not directly connected with China or other Southeast Asian countries; Natuna’s links were formed with the political centres in Bintan, Singapore, and Sumatra. This indicates that wealth was relatively equally distributed within the premodern society of Riau. More research in the Seven Islands, especially Anambas, should yield important additional information about how this complicated system worked in the premodern period.

Bibliography